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Indian Unrest

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Valentine Chirol. The author examines the causes of unrest in India against the British Imperial empire. He calls Bal Gangadhar Tilak as the father of Indian unrest.
  Indian Unrest The Project Gutenberg EBook of Indian Unrest, by Valentine Chirol This eBook is for the use of anyoneanywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use itunder the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.netTitle: Indian UnrestAuthor: Valentine ChirolRelease Date: August 5, 2005 [EBook #16444]Language: EnglishCharacter set encoding: ISO-8859-1*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIAN UNREST ***Produced by Million Book Project, Juliet Sutherland, Graeme Mackreth and the Online DistributedProofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.netINDIAN UNRESTByVALENTINE CHIROLA Reprint, revised and enlarged, from The Times, with an introduction by Sir Alfred Lyall_We have now, as it were, before us, in that vast congeries of peoples we call India, a long, slow march inuneven stages through all the centuries from the fifth to the twentieth._--VISCOUNT MORLEY.MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITEDST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON1910DEDICATED BY PERMISSIONTOVISCOUNT MORLEYAS A TRIBUTE OF PRIVATE FRIENDSHIP AND PUBLIC RESPECTCONTENTS Indian Unrest1  CHAPTER PAGE INTRODUCTION. BY SIR ALFRED C. LYALL VIII. A GENERAL SURVEY 1II. SWARAJ ON THE PLATFORM AND IN THE PRESS 8III. A HINDU REVIVAL 24IV. BRAHMANISM AND DISAFFECTION IN THE DECCAN 37V. POONA AND KOLHAPUR 64VI. BENGAL BEFORE THE PARTITION 72VII. THE STORM IN BENGAL 81VIII. THE PUNJAB AND THE ARYA SAMAJ 106IX. THE POSITION OF THE MAHOMEDANS 118X. SOUTHERN INDIA 136XI. REVOLUTIONARY ORGANIZATIONS OUTSIDE INDIA 145XII. THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS 154XIII. CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS 162XIV. THE DEPRESSED CASTES 176XV. THE NATIVE STATES 185XVI. CROSS CURRENTS 198XVII. THE GROWTH OF WESTERN EDUCATION 207XVIII. THE INDIAN STUDENT 216XIX. SOME MEASURES OF EDUCATIONAL REFORM 229XX. THE QUESTION OF RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 238XXI. PRIMARY EDUCATION 246XXII. SWADESHI AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 254XXIII. THE FINANCIAL AND FISCAL RELATIONS BETWEEN INDIA AND GREAT BRITAIN 271XXIV. THE POSITION OF INDIANS IN THE EMPIRE 280 CHAPTER PAGE2  XXV. SOCIAL AND OFFICIAL RELATIONS 288XXVI. THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA 306XXVII. CONCLUSIONS 319NOTES 335INDEX 361_The numerals above the line in the body of the book refer to notes at the end of the volume._INTRODUCTION.BY SIR ALFRED C. LYALL.The volume into which Mr. Valentine Chirol has collected and republished his valuable series of articles in The Times  upon Indian unrest is an important and very instructive contribution to the study of what isprobably the most arduous problem in the politics of our far-reaching Empire. His comprehensive survey of the whole situation, the arrangement of evidence and array of facts, are not unlike what might have beenfound in the Report of a Commission appointed to investigate the causes and the state of affairs to which thetroubles that have arisen in India may be ascribed.At different times in the world's history the nations foremost in civilization have undertaken the enterprise of founding a great European dominion in Asia, and have accomplished it with signal success. The MacedonianGreeks led the way; they were followed by the Romans; and in both instances their military superiority andorganizing genius enabled them to subdue and govern for centuries vast populations in Western Asia.European science and literature flourished in the great cities of the East, where the educated classes willinglyaccepted and supported foreign rulership as their barrier against a relapse into barbarism; nor have we reasonfor believing that it excited unusual discontent or disaffection among the Asiatic peoples. But the Greek andRoman Empires in Asia have disappeared long ago, leaving very little beyond scattered ruins; and in moderntimes it is the British dominion in India that has revived and is pursuing the enterprise of ruling and civilizinga great Asiatic population, of developing the political intelligence and transforming the ideas of an antiqueand, in some respects, a primitive society.That the task must be one of prodigious difficulty, not always free from danger, has been long known to thosewho watched the experiment with some accurate foresight of the conditions attending it. Yet the recentsymptoms of virulent disease in some parts of the body politic, though confined to certain provinces of India,have taken the British nation by surprise. Mr. Chirol's book has now exhibited the present state and prospectof the adventure; he has examined the causes and the consequences of the prevailing unrest; he has collectedample evidence, and he has consulted all the best authorities, Indian and European, on the subject. Hismasterly analysis of all this material shows wide acquaintance with the facts, and rare insight into thecharacter and motives, the aims and methods, of those who are engaged in stirring up the spirit of revoltagainst the British Government. He has pointed to instances where the best intentions of the administratorshave led them wrong; his whole narrative illustrates the perils that beset a Government necessarily pledged tomoral and material reform, which finds its own principles perverted against its efforts, and its foremostopponents among the class that has been the first to profit by the benefits which that Government hasconferred upon them.The nineteenth century had been pre-eminently an era of the development of rapid and easy communicationbetween distant parts of the world, particularly between Europe and Asia. So long as these two continentsremained far apart the condition of Asia was unchanged and stationary; if there was any change it had been CHAPTER PAGE3  latterly retrogressive, for in India at any rate the eighteenth century was a period of abnormal and extensivepolitical confusion. In Europe, on the other hand, national wealth, scientific discoveries, the arts of war andpeace, had made extraordinary progress. Population had increased and multiplied; and partly by territorialconquests, partly by pacific penetration, the Western nations overflowed politically into Asia during thenineteenth century. They brought with them larger knowledge, novel ideas and manners, which have openedthe Asiatic mind to new influences and aspirations, to the sense of needs and grievances not previously felt oreven imagined. The effect, as can now be clearly perceived, has been to produce an abrupt transition from oldto new ways, from the antique order of society towards fresh models; and to this may be ascribed the generalunsettlement, the uneasy stir, that pervade Asia at the present moment. Its equilibrium has been disturbed bythe high speed at which Europe has been pushing eastward; and the principal points of contact and penetrationare in India.Moreover, towards the latter end of the nineteenth century and in the first years of the present century cameevents which materially altered the attitude of Asiatic nations towards European predominance. The defeat of the Italians by the Abyssinians in 1896 may indeed be noted as the first decisive victory gained by troops thatmay be reckoned Oriental over a European army in the open field, for at least three centuries. The Japanesewar, in which Russia lost battles not only by land, but also at sea, was even a more significant and strikingwarning that the era of facile victories in Asia had ended; since never before in all history had an Asiatic navywon a great sea-fight against European fleets. That the unquiet spirit, which from these general causes hasbeen spreading over the Eastern Continent, should be particularly manifest in countries under EuropeanGovernments is not unnatural; it inevitably roused the latent dislike of foreign rule, with which a wholepeople is never entirely content. Precisely similar symptoms are to be observed in the Asiatic possessions of France, and in Egypt; nor is Algeria yet altogether reconciled to the _régime_ of its conquerors.That in India the British Government has found the centres of active disaffection located in the Marathacountry and in Lower Bengal, is a phenomenon which can be to a large extent accounted for by reference toAnglo-Indian history. The fact that Poona is one focus of sedition has been attributed in this volume to thesurvival among the Maratha Brahmins of the recollection that far into the eighteenth century Poona was thecapital of a theocratic State in which behind the Throne of the Peshwas both spiritual and secular authoritywere concentrated in the hands of the Brahmins. The Peshwas, as their title implies, had been hereditaryMinisters who governed in the name of the reigning dynasty founded by the famous Maratha leader Sivajee,whose successors they set aside. But before the end of the eighteenth century the secular authority of thePeshwas had become almost nominal, and the real power in the State had passed into the grasp of aconfederation of chiefs of predatory armies, whose violence drove the last Peshwa, more than a century ago,to seek refuge in a British camp. The political sovereignty of the Brahmins had disappeared from the timewhen he placed himself under British protection; and the Maratha chiefs (who were not Brahmins) onlyacknowledged our supremacy after some fiercely contested battles; with the result that they were confined toand confirmed in the possession of the territories now governed by their descendants. But it is quite true thatto the memory of a time when for once, and once only, in Indian history, their caste established a great seculardominion, may be ascribed the tendency to disloyalty among the Maratha Brahmins.The case of Bengal is very different. Poona and Calcutta are separated geographically almost by the wholebreadth of India between two seas; yet the historical antecedents of the Bengalees and Marathas are evenfurther apart. The Marathas were the leaders of revolt against the Moghal Empire; they were formidableopponents to the rise of the British power; their chiefs fought hard before yielding to British authority. On theother hand, Lower Bengal belonged to a province that had fallen away from the Moghal Empire, and whichwas transferred from its Mahomedan Governor to a British General by the result of a single battle at Plassey.The Bengalees took no part in the contest, and they had very good reason for willing acquiescence in thechange of masters.In a comparison, therefore, of the Marathas with the people of Bengal, we have a remarkable instance of theproduction of similar effects from causes very distinct and dissimilar. In the former case their present unrest CHAPTER PAGE4
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